If it isn't time for America to revolt against its revolting leaders, perhaps it's time for Australia to rebel andassert independence from an increasingly despotic Empire, saysProfessor Mark Beeson.

The American Revolution (1775-83), aka theWar of Independence, led to the birth of the United States and its eventual emergence as the most powerful country the world has ever seen. Americans are understandably proud of this revolutionary heritage, so much so that theAmerican Constitution, signedin 1789, has taken on the status of an inviolable,sacred text.

Rather ironically, given the currently difficult relationship between the U.S. and Europe, the Constitution was inspired by principles that emerged during the Enlightenment,and whichsought to enshrine individual rights and freedoms. Some of them, like the freedom to bear arms, look anachronistic and dangerous, while others, like freedom of speech and assembly, areroutinely violatedby the Trump administration, which has little time for such niceties.

Whatever the merits and shortcomings of the American legal system, Donald Trump plainly thinks they dont apply to him, as his comment about his ability toshoot someone in the streetwithout consequences demonstrates. The flagrantillegalityof many of Trumps domestic and foreign policies demonstrate a similarcontempt for other laws, and principles that provide the sorts of checks and balances that are supposed to distinguish government in the US.

Its not surprising that Trump thinks hes the most powerful man in the world, possibly ever. Unfortunately for the rest of us, hes probably right. No one else has ever had the sort of military and economic leverage the US still enjoys, even if Americas current policies are rapidlyundermining confidencein its ability or willingness to act as a stable hegemon.

Thats unlikely to influence 79-year-old Trump, however, because whatever he does isnt going to affect him for too much longer. For succeeding generations who will inherit the increasingly chaotic strategic, economic and environmental mess he leaves behind, though, having someone agrowing numberof Americans see as a corrupt, narcissistic megalomaniac as president is probably not optimal at this historical juncture.

TheTwenty-FiifthAmendmentof the U.S.Constitution sets out conditionshow the U.S. can rid itself of a leader who is plainly unfit for office. But when Trump retains a tight grip of the Republican party, and when many members and supporters of his administration benefit directly from a continuation of business as usual, even when that includesstarting illegal wars on a whim, nothing is likely to change.

Progressively-minded Americans yes, they do stillexist are pinning their hopes onthe mid-term electionswhich have the potential to give Democrats a majority in the House and make it harder for Trump to doanything I want. However, the growing number ofobstacles being created to voting,coupled with gerrymandering and even the possibility that they may not happen at all if Americas at war or dealing with domestic social unrest, mean that change may not happen via the ballot box.

If democratic processes, the foundation of the American politics and its claims to be an inspiration for the rest of the world are undermined, or the result of an election is contested or ignored by the Trump administration, what then? What should Americansand the rest of the world for that matter, do in an effort to restore democracy and the rule of law?

Given that the American militarys primary duty is to the Constitution, not to the American President, despite his role as the Commander-in-Chief, we might reasonably expect that the armed forces would be staunch defenders of the rule of law. But the militarys role in the illegal attack on Iran suggests that thismay be wishful thinking, especially when that involves international law. The willingness of the military to become actively involved in curbing alleged civil unrest doesnt inspire confidence either.

While its not as risky demonstrating in the U.S. as it is in Iran, the stakes are arguably even higher. Despite all the bluster about the threat Iran poses, it has nothing like the capacity of America to upend the entire international order. It is the U.S., after all, that is currently destabilising the entire Middle East, facilitating Israels increasingly genocidal imperialism and wrecking the global economy.

Civil disobedience in the USA may be dangerous and destabilising, but it may be less of a threat to national and global stability than the continuation of the Trump regime. Only Americans can fix this increasingly urgent and destructive problem.

The rest of the world politely pointing out to Americans that their country has a dangerous and destructive government, and that they need to do something about it for their own sakes and for ours might help. Encouraging our own governments to play a part in this process, as some of the U.S.straditional European alliesare beginning to do, also might help.

Given that Australias leaders have spent the last 80 years becoming Americas trusted ally, whose views are apparently always taken seriously in Washington, it would be unfortunate if the U.S. became the sort ofauthoritarian powermany analysts fear. Perhaps this is Australias chance to exercise some of that influence were always hearing about.

That's one revolutionary idea we should all be able to get behind.

Mark Beesonis an adjunct professor at the University of Technology Sydney and Griffith University. He was previously Professor of International Politics at the University of Western Australia.